The Egyptian proposal for the renewal and management of Gaza appeared as an emergency intervention in the crisis that took place from October 7, 2023, supported by the Arab states, the organization of Islamic cooperation and several European nations, the plan is not only a humanitarian initiative – this is geopolically Manepolically Mano Netanyahu, and recently supported by the President of the United States to depop.
For several months of the Arab state, they hesitated to the role of renewal and management of gauze without comprehensive initiatives to resolve the fundamental issue of the Palestinian state. Effectively, they resisted that they were drawn into the role of the Palestinian administration (Pa) 2.0, which needed Israeli responsibilities as occupation forces, while the Israelis continued the colonial expansion on the West Coast. Still, the existential threat represented by Trump and Netanyahu’s vision for Gaza forced them to action.
At its core, the Egypt renewal plan in the amount of $ 53 billion relies on the establishment of a local management board composed of technocrats for the first six months, with a transition to control and then. But this approach has fundamental problems that could perish a plan to failure before being implemented at all.
Netanyahu’s obstructionism
The Prime Minister of Israel was clear in his opposition to any role and in Gaza. Its attitude is strategic: allowing it to operate the territory would open the door to geopolitical unity between Gaza and the West Coast, a springboard to restore negotiations for the Palestinian state.
For decades, political establishment of Netanyahu and Israel have worked to prevent any scenario that could lead to Palestinian self -determination. The status of quo fragmentation and division between Palestinian territories serves their interests, retaining the aim of statehood constantly out of reach.
In order to effectively counteract Netanyahu, the Arab states should buy as many other actors as possible, especially Trump’s administration, which has an impact on the forcing the Israeli prime minister to accept.
Although Netanyahu, he can still undermine his implementation by imposing bureaucratic obstacles, military escalation or economic limitations-a well-worn-out Israeli book-Arab plan remains the best option on the table to prevent ethnic cleansing through renewed wars and long-term defining.
So in crisis
Behind Israeli resistance, there is another great obstacle to the implementation of the Arab plan: pa. Under President Mahmoud Abbas, it is a deeply unpopular institution, which lacks political relevance after the collapse of the Oslo Agreement.
Over the years, Abbas has accelerated the erosion of his legitimacy with the continuation of security coordination with Israel, deepening his authoritarian rule and refusing to hold elections since 2006. His leadership is increasingly defined by repression – from opposition factions, political renewal and any resistance of Israeli aggression.
Without a sustainable political process, so it became an addition to Israel’s occupation and Apartheid, carrying out security on the west coast, while lacking in any actual authority for management as an independent subject. This encouraged the widespread Palestinian disappointment. Abbas’s adhesion to power required a growing hand, especially against activists and fractions required by a confrontation approach to the Israeli ethnic cleansing policy.
The failure of the pa -a has been particularly right in the last 16 months of Israeli genocide attacks on Gaza and the West Coast. Abbas is largely absent from the effort to mobilize the Palestinian resistance, and his silence and inactivity reflect his obsolescence.
His government not only lost the confidence of the Palestinian people, but became mostly irrelevant to the wider geopolitical players, including Israel, the US and the Arab states.
Political vacuum
Abbas’s reliance on Israel and international donors, and in order to keep the authority on the surface, forces him to prioritize their demands over those of his people, who are mostly opposed to each other. As his domestic popularity then fell, his authoritarianism became stronger.
He recently launched the suppression of Palestinian groups of resistance in the city of the northern west coast of Jenin and eliminated financial support to the families of Palestinians closed, killed or wounded by Israel.
This move, breaking the long -standing social compact between the Palestinian people and their leadership, only emphasized to what extent he was trying to calm Israel and the West to the detriment of legitimacy at home.
Now, facing an emergency need for Palestinian management in Gaza, Arab states are found without a real, sustainable partner. The existing ones, so the leadership is poorly, corrupt and probably incapable of efficiently managing the railway.
Some within the Arab world, as well as the Palestinian civil society and diaspora, are advocated for a new leadership. However, Abbas and his loyalists resisted such efforts. In mid-February, it prevented 33 delegates at the Palestinian National Conference held in Dohi-Koja as a wide effort to revive the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLA)-the abandonment of the western coast.
At the same time, in an effort to adapt to the opposition of the Arab government, Abbas has expanded the offer of amnesty to dissatisfaction with Fatah members, especially Mohammed Dahlan, his rival supported by the UAE who lived in exile in Abu Dabi.
Dahlan’s potential return could signal a shift in the Palestinian dynamics of leadership, but would not solve the basic crisis of legitimacy that spoiled the pa. Political diverting at the top is not the same as systemic reform, and without a wider commitment to national unity and renewal of the national team team, every new structure of leadership risks inheritance of the same failures that have defined Abbas’s mandate.
A moment of opportunity
Gaza reconstruction provides an opportunity to place the foundations for the renewed Palestinian national movement by breaking Abbas’s breath over Palestinian policy and launching the process of his revitalization. If the Arab states can move on to the political minefield of Netanyahu immobility, Abbas’s personal interests and internal Palestinian divisions, they may be able to direct Gaza towards a more stable and autonomous future.
However, if Abbas and his circle of rooted officials remain in control, that effort could quickly switch to another failed attempt by Palestinian reconciliation, enhancing the status of Quo Israeli domination and Palestinian separation.
The future of gauze hangs in balance. This intervention of Arab states could be a positive step towards Palestinian self-determination-it could become a historic missed opportunity. If Abbas continues to monopolize the power, if the sail remains a hollow shell, and if Netanyahu continues his campaign to sabotage any form of Palestinian sovereignty, then the Arabic plan will be dead upon arrival.
This moment calls for a decisive action, Palestinian political renewal and international commitment to true Palestinian self -determination. Whether a plan of the Arab state can overcome structural obstacles in its path, it remains to be seen. But if the crisis of the Palestinian leadership has not already sealed the fate of Gaza, then now is the time to correction the course before it is too late.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s and do not reflect the editorial position of Al Jazeere.
