Syrian Kurds fight with Turkish months after the fall of Assad

To reach northeast Syria, we cross the angry floating bridge over the Tigris River. Our minibus rattles as it leads us from the Iraqi Kurdistan through the Syrian oil fields, where the cranes pump the oil oil on the road.

This part of Syria is controlled by the Kurds, which call it swam – meaning Western Kurdistan. Since 2012, after the outbreak of the Civil War, it has been led as a self -proclaimed autonomous region, protected by the armed forces led by Kurdska.

But Bashar Al-Assad’s regime never recognized him and, despite the fall in power, his future remains uncertain.

Like more than a decade of civil war, Syrian Kurds have faced the years of conflict with their northern neighbor, Turkish – the battle they are still struggling with.

A decade ago, the Islamic State Group (IS) swallowed through this region, capturing cities and villages with a little resistance – until it reached the town of Kobane, beside the Turkish border, in September 2014.

Whether the militants failed to enter the city, but they imposed a brutal siege that lasted for months.

The Kurdish faction under the leadership of the Military Coalition led by the United States spoiled the siege in early 2015. This January I join the residents of the city as they mark the 10 -year anniversary.

At the entrance to Kobana, women in the 50’s, armed with the assault rifles, keep control points. Women played a key role in the fight against IS – many voluntarily signed up in women’s women’s protection units (YPJ).

As we drive around the city, war scars are still visible, along with the posters of young men and women who lost their lives.

But in the main square the mood is solemn. Young girls and boys, dressed in colorful Kurdish clothing, dance a hand in hand, sing as they celebrate.

For the older generation, however, it is a bitter moment. “Last night, I lit candles for my martyr and others killed in Kobane,” says Newrouz Ahmad, a 45-year-old mother of a four-member mother. “A joyful day, but also painful. I wish he was here to see him.”

Syrian democratic forces led by Kurdska (SDF) declared victory in northeast Syria in 2019. But the freedom from IS did not bring lasting peace.

Turkey and the coalition of rebel groups supported by Turkish Turkish known as the Syrian National Army (dream) launched several military operations against territory under the control of the SDF since 2016, capturing part of the territory that passed hundreds of kilometers of border.

Turkey considers the largest component in the SDF – National Protective Unit (YPG) – the expansion of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has been fighting for Kurdish autonomy in Turkey for decades, and Ankara cited the terrorist organization. Earth wants to push SDF back from its border.

As Assad’s regime crashed in late 2024, a dream with Turkish aided by a new offensive to capture the territory west of the Eufrates River from the SDF.

Now battles have reached the area near Kobane. The Kurdish commander in the city calmly tells me: “Don’t shoot here, we built tunnels under the city to prepare for another siege.”

In the city, the smell of gasoline is filled with air, and a deafening generator sound can be heard everywhere. The locals tell me that most of the power plants, refineries and even telecommunications antennas have destroyed Turkish air attacks in the last two years.

Newrouz Ahmad says he was “defeated in Kobane in Kobane … We will not allow Turkey and his proxy to occupy our city, and we will beat them.”

In the restaurant, the moment people realize that we are not locals, they surround us. I ask an old man with gray hair and a stick in my hands how old he is. I guess there are about 80, but the answer that gives me a shame. “I’m 60,” he says.

It is clear that people are exhausted here by war, witnessing so many deaths and bloodshed.

And now there is another battle threat.

Turkish drones and Turkish aircraft were targeting SDF positions and routes to supply throughout the city. They even hit even a civilian protest.

In the regional hospital, I find one of the wounded-Lea Bunsa, a 28-year-old German peace activist who volunteered at a women’s shelter in Rojava for more than two years.

It shows me a video of an attack on a demonstration, which she says was part of January. The footage shows two missiles descending from the sky and hitting a bunch of people dancing.

The protest was held near the Tishreen strategic dam, where the struggles are ongoing. SDF says six civilians were killed and dozens of more injured.

“The old man next to me was also injured,” he tells me from his bed.

“I lost blood … But when we got into an ambulance, another attack of drones was carried out next to our ambulance,” she adds.

Human Rights Watch condemned the attack that hit the Kurdish emergency aid of the Red Crescent as the “apparent war crime” of the Turkish-Naz coalition.

The Turkish Foreign Ministry has said to BBC that “reports claiming that Turkey are included in civilians and critical infrastructure attacks do not reflect the truth” adding that the SDF sends civilians to the “area intended for conflict” to use them as “man” of the shields … so that they do not lose control on the aforementioned dam. “

He accused the SDF of using “violence and terror” to implement “his own separatist program”, breaking the tribute and stopping the technical teams of getting access to the repair.

The new Syrian leader, Ahmad al-Shara, stuck between a rock and a hard place.

Temporary President – whose Islamist group Hayat Tahrir Al -sham (HTS) led the rebel offensive that the Custain of Assad – promised to form an inclusive government in Damascus, and he asked all armed fractions to lay a weapon. Negotiations with the SDF are reportedly held to find a solution for the northeast.

But the inclusion of Kurdish fractions puts Shara in a difficult position with one of his main allies – Turkey.

And when Sharaa opened a conference for the National Dialogue on the Future of Syria on Tuesday, Kurdish autonomous administration was absent – she said she was not invited.

Talking to me from a discrete place near the US base in the Hassakeh province in northeast Syria, SDF commander, General Mazlouum Abdi, tells me that he had met Sharaa in Damascus before.

But the two sides have not yet reached an agreement.

“In reality, we are still in the war with Turkish and his proxy. Turkish aircraft and drones continue to bombard us,” he says, adding: “Damascus remains unclear which steps will take new governments. Their statements are positive, but they are under the pressure of Turkey to act against the area under our control.

“But now, France and some Arab nations are pushing them to admit Kurdish rights,” he says.

For now, the SDF fighters were the most reliable allies in the fight against IS.

Today, hundreds of American troops remain in Kurdish areas under control to confront the dormant cells.

But the Kurds are now afraid that President Donald Trump could pull those troops, leaving the region vulnerable to any Turkish military operation, and it is possible to re -establish.

It is estimated that there are still about 40,000 family members up to 10,000 jihadist fighters in camps and prisons under the control of the SDF in northeast, says Gen Abdi.

“If Turkish attacks, we will not have other choices but to divert our forces,” he warns. “This would give an opportunity to attack closed and release their fighters.”

Further uncertainty for women against whom they fought in the comprehensive YPJ ranks.

The walls in the office of 29-year-old YPJ spokesman Roksan Mohamed are covered with paintings by colleagues of the commander killed in the battle.

“So far, we have not seen any role in women in the new leadership of Damascus,” she says. “Why shouldn’t a woman be a defense minister?”

Mrs. Mohamed says women fought for their rights in this region. They were actively involved in every aspect of political, social and military life.

“If our rights are not respected, how can we be expected to lay our hands?” She asks.

Although some believe that stability in Syria on the horizon, for the Kurds, the future remains unclear. Will they recognize them as partners in Nova Syria or face another existential battle?