February 15, during the 38th Summit of the African Union (Au) held at Addis Ababi in Ethiopia, African leaders elected Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, Foreign Minister Djibuti, as the new President of the African Union (AUC) Commission, an executive branch of the continental body. He prevailed over Raul Odding, former Prime Minister of Kenya and Richard Randriamandrato, former foreign minister Madagascar.
Youssouf has been Jibuti’s Foreign Minister since 2005 and has taken over from Moussa Faki Mahammat, former Prime Minister Chad, who performed two consecutive four-year-old seats as the AUC leader. In his official manifestation, he committed to improve management and democracy, strengthening institutional capacities and stimulating peace and security, among other goals.
Youssouf takes over an office in an insecure time in Africa and is expected to use his diplomatic expertise, especially for resolving the conflict that raged in Sudan and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
Youssouf seems to be ready for peace and work on significant positive changes in countries across the continent in the coming years. But his success is less than guaranteed, because African leaders generally hesitate to give up significant power au -Ii to his related organizations.
The African Court on the Rights of People and People (ACHPR) published a report in March 2022, which revealed that since July 2021. Only 7 percent of its judgments was fully fulfilled, 18 percent partially filled and significantly 75 percent not fulfilled at all .
In addition, the report was mentioned that several African countries made it clear to the Executive Council that the court’s decision would not adhere to. Maybe this explains why last year’s ACHPR report has left these statistics.
Most African leaders resist the imposition of rigorous external surveillance measures – critical interventions that are difficult to prevent war and instability. So, it is less than surely that youssouf could achieve in the next four years.
The successes and failures of his predecessor, Moussa Faki Mahammat, can offer some traces of what the new auc chair could expect in the coming period.
At the ceremony to commemorate the official start of his term of office on March 14, 2017. He advocated “to” make a commission to a tool capable of reality into a reality vision of our leaders and aspirations of our peoples, “and” silence the weapons and understand Africa without a conflict by 2020 “.
Eight years later, the effect of his administration was marked by a combination of limited achievements and many unresolved challenges.
Mahammat was key to mediation Cessation of hostility agreement (COHA)A significant peace treaty signed between the Ethiopian government and the Tiger National Front (TPLF) on November 2, 2022 in Praetoria in South Africa. This agreement ended up devastatingly 2020-2022 Tigay War. Despite this key achievement, he was unable to “silence weapons” in conflicts in Chad, Mali, Burkina Faso,, Somalia and Mozambique – Although it was not due to lack of effort.
In his address 37. The usual session of the African Union Assembly on February 17, 2024. Mahammat expressed his deep frustration to the non -liberation actions of African leaders, which he chose not to appoint it, seemingly in a humorous attempt to rationalize his different failures.
Pointed to the current conflicts on the continent, the re -establishment of military coup in Central and West Africaand irresistible unwillingness Certain Member States AU conduct elections considered credible. In the latter, he rightly said: “Instead of joyful ways of peaceful transmission or power maintenance, the elections have become, through the scope of their irregularities, the factors for deepening crises.”
At the same time, he emphasized that many African leaders mostly ignored the African architecture of peace and security (APSA), a draft au for prevention, conflict, managing and resolution, and his colleague, architecture of African management (AGA). The purpose of aga is to encourage and defend human and folk rights, improve democratic institutions and culture and guarantee good management and rule of law.
Mahamat also attracted the fact that institutional reforms within the continental Union did not effectively solve questions relating to the powers of AUC -and its presidency. “Although the Chairman of the Commission in texts is recognized as a legal representative and the” main accounting officer “of the organization, he is paradoxically deprived of a sufficient margin of maneuver to act urgently on strategic issues.”
He then offered a sharp critique of African leaders, claiming that they had a “angry tendency to make decisions without the real political will to implement them.” This resulted in a terrible and impossible scenario, where, according to Mahamam, 93 percent of decisions made in 2021, 2022 and 2023 did not work.
Such a systematic defiance, he added, is also noticeable at the level of Member States and Regional Communities, and Member States often neglect and negligently violate the resolution established by continental bodies. He an alarming warned that an organization without transformative changes would not be able to respond effectively to sociopolitical challenges present on the continent.
African leaders are no doubt are a significant obstacle to the sociopolitical and economic progress of the continent. They enjoy the testimony that AU develops in a consciously weakened entity that primarily corresponds to their egocentric, unscrupulous goals.
Therefore, it is necessary that the Youssouf, in his role as Mahamam’s heir, receive enough independent authority and resources to conduct strict respect for the organization conventions, especially in relation to the Absa and AGA.
Without that, unfortunately he can be powerless to solve the most advanced problems of the continent as his predecessor.
In 2002, Au presented the mechanism of the African peer examination (APRM) to allow Member States voluntarily assess its management practices. However, its effect was minimal. Given the current conflicts and inadequate management that lasts on the entire continent every year, Africa is obviously requires a comprehensive control frame for annual and improvised national assessments.
Consider the situation in Sudan.
For three decades, Au has closed his eyes to illegal, autocratic and deep inhuman actions of President Omar al-Bashira-Action regime that slowly paved the way for a coup April 11, 2019. Removal of al-bashir in a state-stroke after that set the stage for another military download 25. October 2021and the current civil war.
The inactivity and inability to imposition of good management have set a scene for similar omissions in Mozambique.
The great inability of the ruling party we flout to establish inclusive democracy, providing economic stability and providing basic services has made the Province of Cabo Delgado rich gas for rebellion. Starting in October 2017, an armed rebellion in the province has led to a displacement of more than 1.3 million people, she has threatened health infrastructure and resulted in a critical humanitarian crisis. Au and his different bodies have done a little more than watching these tragedies.
Indeed, in both scenarios Au had the opportunity to carry out decisive and timely interventions of management to improve peace, stability and socioeconomic well -being. No, or, more precisely, couldn’t.
Unfortunately, Addis Ababa has historically been stripped of the necessary authority for analysis and responding to poor leadership. Mozambique and Sudan are just two examples among many. He could also not cope with the troubles of political prisoners in Eritrea, a democratic movement in Tunisia and a long repression of opposition leaders in Uganda, to list only a few.
Given the persistent contempt for the essential au protocols that encourage unrest on the entire continent, it is crucial that the new AUC chairman does not occupy a passive attitude in the next four years. His office must be endowed with unambiguous power to keep African leaders responsible for their political excesses and failures.
Youssouf can forge the legacy of peace and socioeconomic transformations in his new role, but he must first get au to start working in the best interests of his primary stakeholders: 1.5 billion people in Africa.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s and do not reflect the editorial stance of Al Jazeera.
