Tears, horrified cries and shocked faces: this was the reaction among supporters of suspended South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol outside his home after hearing that he had been arrested.
It was a a moment that was weeks in the making – since the last attempt to arrest Yoon on January 3 failed after a dramatic standstill.
Yet when news of his arrest broke on Wednesday morning, it only seemed to create more uncertainty – and highlight divisions in a country already deeply polarized by Yoon’s short-lived martial law and impeachment by parliament.
“This country is in crisis,” said one pro-Yoon woman, tears streaming down her face. – Since last night, I have been praying for a stable and peaceful South Korea.
That’s what both sides say they want, but they can’t agree on how to get there.
For the past month, the defiant 64-year-old Yoon has been holed up in his presidential compound in central Seoul, while his supporters and detractors have gathered outside. They turned Yongsan in central Seoul into the epicenter of protests, with tensions often running high.
Hundreds of them camped out overnight on Tuesday as an arrest seemed imminent, in temperatures that dropped to -8C. The only thing they shared were food trucks that kept them warm with boiled drinks and instant noodles.
Yoon’s supporters jostled with police officers – numbering 3,000 – who had gathered to arrest him. “Don’t call us the stupid far right,” shouted one protester, echoing the frustration in Yoon’s camp.
A completely different scene unfolded on the other side of the street. Yoon’s opponents, who have long called for his arrest, celebrated with chants and cheers.
Their jubilation only angered the pro-Yoon camp even more, with some shouting, “Don’t make fun of us – this isn’t funny.”
The gulf is not limited to this corner of Yongsan. It has been hanging over the whole country for more than a month.
Yoon’s shocking announcement of the state of emergency on December 3 almost immediately divided public opinion into two camps.
While some believed his claims that the country was under threat, a larger group saw the move as an opportunistic abuse of power. The sentiment was echoed even within Yoon’s own party, as several of its lawmakers voted to impeach him.
The growing opposition to Yoon’s actions cast a pall over the nation.
The year-end season in South Korea is usually lively. But this year was noticeably different. Political turmoil – along with the devastating Jeju plane crash December 29 – created a subdued and gloomy atmosphere.
Yoon himself has largely avoided the public since he was impeached by parliament in mid-December.
He never came out of his residence to meet his supporters. He sent them a message on New Year’s saying that he was “following closely [them] via YouTube livestream”. He skipped the first hearing in his impeachment trial on January 14, delaying the proceedings.
He had previously refused to respond to multiple summonses as part of a criminal investigation into sedition charges, leading to an arrest warrant.
On Wednesday, he released a video statement saying he would cooperate with the Corruption Investigation Office (CIO) to avoid “bloodshed”, while arguing that their arrest warrant was not legally valid.
It was a large-scale operation, which followed a warning from the CIO that the presidential security team could also be arrested if they tried to prevent Yoon’s arrest again. Unlike last time, the CIO and the police managed to arrest Yoon, although it still took hours to negotiate.
After he left the presidential estate, the streets around him began to empty. The protesters dispersed and the police barricades were removed.
Some of Yoon’s supporters have moved into the CIO’s office where they are interrogating him. They need another detention order for more than 48 hours.
While Yoon’s arrest brought an end to the security standoff, it did not end the rift that exists far beyond in South Korea, which in recent decades has become a leading global economy and a beacon of democracy in Asia.
“Arresting the head of the country doesn’t even make sense,” said one protester outside the presidential complex.
A dissenting voice retorted: “Executing an arrest warrant is a necessary step – Yoon tried to undermine the country’s democracy.”
Yoon himself continues to question whether the CIO has the right to arrest him – his lawyers say no, because sedition is not a charge of corruption. But the CIO says the mutiny is a form of abuse of power – a charge it is within their remit to investigate.
What may appear to be a legal debate has veered deep into political territory, with both sides seeking to control the narrative.
The swift impeachment of Yoon’s immediate successor – Prime Minister Han Duck-soo – has already led to accusations that the impeachment is being used as a political tool against Yoon’s allies. And Yoon’s impeachment trial, which began this week, has created more uncertainty.
Public attention will be focused on statements, if any, Yoon makes while in custody or on trial.
The fear is that whatever comes next for Yoon, the polarization that has defined South Korean politics will remain.
